The Album Amicorum of Rhaban Giese

The following text has been written by Dr Bob Miller, and represents the research he kindly undertook on behalf of Shapero Rare Books in exploring the history of the Album Amicorum described in our Continental catalogue, Polyglossia.

The Album Amicorum of Rhaban Giese, scholar and medical doctor, native of Danzig, drawing on his travels and acquaintances in Geneva, Lyon, Paris and London between  1618 and 1621

Contents List

The Album Amicorum of Rhaban Giese, scholar and medical doctor, native of Danzig, drawing on his travels and acquaintances in Geneva, Lyon, Paris and London between  1618 and 1621

Web sites report on a Raban Giese, who was born in Danzig on 24 Jun 1597, who died 7 Jan 1673 also in Danzig, and who could possibly be our Rhaban Giese, since this would make him 22 in 1619, the date of the first entries in our book. This would suggest that he began his travels after finishing university. He was an only child. He married Kordula von Bodeck (1613-1643) in 1635, they had one daughter Barbara in 1640, his wife's death in 1643 may have been in connection with another pregnancy. He is often referred to by the signatories of the book as a Doctor, here an academic title rather than specifically a medical one, although he may be both, as it would seem are many of the signatories. More tellingly one of the persons who has signed the book has been found to refer to him as a "Dantiscanus", which unambiguously situates him as a native of Danzig (p.244 and perhaps also p.246 ‘Dantisci‘). On page 249 one of the contributors, Hermannus Gedering, also refers to himself as a Dantiscanus.

In the book Contemporaries of Erasmus, Volume 2, Toronto 1986, Peter G. Bietenholz, editor, reports in the article Tiedemann GIESE of Gdansk (1480-1550) (cc.96-97) that this Catholic bishop (first of Chelmno, then of Warmia), who was in sympathy with Erasmus, and was a defender of the new heliocentric theory of the solar system of his friend and colleague Nicolaus Copernicus, was the son of Albert Giese, the burgomaster of Gdansk, and was also the nephew of a previous bishop of Warmia. This would seem to suggest that our Giese was raised in a similar situation, as a member of the senior patrician clan in Danzig, the members of which occupied both political and religious posts, which would have prepared him for the trip which he made, although it would seem that in the meantime he and perhaps other members of his family had become Protestants, in his own case Calvinist. (Although the opening display of the arms of the parents of Giese spells the name as Giesy, the entries in the book always use the form Giese, the form Giesy is probably a Latinate grammatical form) Since we have suggested that our Giese is probably the doctor mentioned in the previous paragraph, it would seem that he may have been a younger son, or that the political situation arising from conflict between Catholic and Protestant tendencies in Danzig may have dissuaded him from pursuing a political career.

Throughout the late middle ages Danzig was one of the cities of the Hanseatic League, a political and trading union of cities extending from cities in England and Scandinavia to Riga and Tallinn in modern Latvia and Estonia, but centred on the town of Lubeck in Holstein, the southern part of the Danish peninsular. Danzig was part of this trading complex and would have had a significant German-speaking population. In 1554 the Hanseatic League underwent a reorganisation which made Danzig into the principal city of one of its four territories, together with Lubeck, Brunswick (Braunschweig) and Cologne (Köln). A citizen of Danzig would probably develop a network of contacts including residents of such cities. This would explain why many of Raban's friends designate themselves as Danes (Danus) although linguistically they appear to be German speakers with German names, since Lubeck would have been nominally within the kingdom of Denmark at this time. This remained the case until the Prussian-Danish war initiated by Bismarck specifically in order to unite Schleswig-Holstein with Prussia in a united Germany. Several of the signatories in the book describe themselves as Boruss, the old name of Prussia, but this may actually be an alternate term for that province of the Hanseatic League based in Prussian cities (while Danzig remained part of the Kingdom of Poland).

The book would appear to have been begun in Geneva. This is where most of the oldest entries were made (five are dated 1618 as is the opening title-spread) and the captions of all of the professional miniatures in the book are in French, except that one of them, on page 199, has a caption in German which only rhymes in German, showing that the intended audience is bilingual, suggesting a location in Switzerland. The modern University of Geneva was founded in 1559 by Jean Calvin, the founder of the protestant Church which is the second most well known after the Lutheran church. At the time that this book was made and in use, the members of the Roman Catholic, Lutheran, and Calvinist churches would normally each have attended universities, if at all, of their own religious tendency. The University of Geneva, although at that time only having the status of a college, would have attracted students from all of those communities of Calvinists who did not live in countries, such as Holland or Scotland, the states of which adhered to the Calvinist form of Christianity. Although the language of instruction would in any case be Latin, the University of Geneva would particularly attract German-speaking students from those parts of the German-speaking lands which did not have a state university system based on Calvinist doctrine. This might particularly apply to the cities of the Hanseatic League, which may have broadly followed Lutheran thinking, but where many Calvinists may have lived and worked. Calvinism also remained strong in the kingdom of Poland to the immediate south of Danzig. However, all of the above could also be consistent with Geneva having had from early times a medical school separate from Calvin's college, but attracting foreign students. One of the writers in our book refers to Giese as Nobilissimo ac protestantissimo juveni-viro, the most noble and most Protestant young man, and this writer also refers to him as a Dantiscano, an inhabitant of Danzig, bringing together the two special characteristics of Giese. Many writers also refer to Giese as a Doctor (p.246), although it is not clear whether this refers specifically to medicine.

Rhaban Giese and the vast majority of his friends are tri-lingual, German-French-Latin, some also exhibit some knowledge of Greek, while it appears that most of Giese’s English acquaintances only wrote signatures into the book, in some cases with their personal Latin, English or French mottoes. There is one clearly Italian signatory, other use of Italian or Spanish may be only an additional flourish of well-travelled persons.

After completing his studies, Rhaban Giese appears to have travelled to Lyon and from there to Paris. In both of these places he appears to have made or met many acquaintances. He was also in the Netherlands. Some of his clearly German acquaintances were met in France or the Netherlands, including several who were associated with the Hanseatic League.  He also seems to have travelled to London, but here he may have remained within the community of German-speaking merchants, as he does not appear to have developed any new scientific or medical connections. There are many English signatures in the book, including one of King James, in fact all of the mottoes associated with King James the sixth and first (of Scotland and England, 1566-1625) are found here, Honi soit qui mal y pense, and Beati Pacifici in the coloured crest on p2, which may have been added later, and Parcere subiectis & debellare superbos in the King’s own handwriting on p.3. However, the majority of British signatures are not accompanied by any text (except the person’s personal motto in about half of the cases), indicating that Giese was introduced to these people but did not become familiar with them. Possibly he took a boat from London to Hamburg or a Baltic port. It is striking that neither Giese nor any of his German acquaintances displays any sign of using the Low German dialect which at this time would have been prevalent in Northern Germany and in the traditional Hanseatic ports, showing that the education system of these cities at the level of persons such as Giese was propagating a High German form of the language.

In this tabulation of the contents of the Album Amicorum it will be seen that some pages are left blank, some contain only commercially produced professional illustrations, some contain professional illustrations with later additions of personal text, and a very few contain text by more than one contributor. A large proportion of the entries include the coats of arms of the person signing, it may be assumed in these cases that the arms were initially sketched by the signee with a code to indicate the colours, these were later filled in with commercial paints.

Database of the contents

This table shows the basic data about the entries, and can be used on a computer to switch between different groupings or rankings by location, language, nationality, or date of addition, while the material is here presented by page order. The code (PRO) in the second column indicates that these pages have professional miniatures, many though not all with French titles or captions, the precise nature of these illustrations is described in the previous table. Later additions to these illustrated pages are given a separate entry. Completely blank pages are not included.

The entry for German includes all Prussian and Dantiscano persons, several of those self-designating as Danes may also be German speakers from the towns of Lubeck or Hamburg. French speakers may be from France, Switzerland or Belgium, however the majority of signatories using French write German texts which are in German handwriting while using French-style writing only for French or Latin texts, so these are German speakers for whom French language and script have both been learnt in education. It would seem that Italian or Spanish phrases are only used as additional flourishes, there are no clear native speakers of these languages.

Signatures of King James the sixth of Scotland and the first of England

The following consists of discussion of manuscripts or facsimiles of manuscripts in the British Library which contain signatures of King James VI and I from various times in his life.

RP 213 (part 2) Dated 1624. Like the others this is a scribal letter but with a much longer text attached to the signature in the king's hand, namely: Vostre tresaffecionn(E) frere, / cousin (et) ancien alli(E) Jaques (R). The J, A, and S and the form of the abbreviated (rex) are much more like our forms. In particular the (rex) is very similar, with a small dot within the final flourish. It may be that this is his form with more private or intimate friends or at a particular time of his life. (Ours is dated 1620) (NB this is actually produced by a precursor of a photocopy system, not an original)

TO BE NEGATIVE, IF OUR SIGNATURE IS A FORGERY IT MAY WELL BE BASED ON EXACTLY THIS REAL SIGNATURE AND MADE WITH COMPARISON WITH THE FOLLOWING ONE

RP 9863 Dated Newmarket 22 March 1622. Once again this is a scribal letter with an extended signature Vostre tresaffectionné frere (ET) cousin Jaques (REX).The J, S, and the form of the abbreviated (REX) are much more like ours but the A is a bit more rounded. The way in which the twirl on the final part of (R) is partly but not completely separated from the final point shows how our point-within-the-twirl has arisen. The form of the abbreviation for (ET) is very similar. The small initial stroke preceding the (U) of Jacobus/Jacques is similar. The initial upward stroke of J is very similar to ours.

Add MS 50825 (item 3) (from Norwich Castle Museum, item 445/76.94) Faded letter in ink now brown, below a signature which has remained black, i.e. these are probably by two different people, the main text a scribe, James R, the J and S have some similarity, the A is much more rounded that our rather sharp A but our version could reflect a night on the town. The R symbol which is a compression of 'Rex' is also better formed than ours but again this may reflect the context. Verso blank. (This is actually an early type of photocopy, not the original)

S 49609B One item , dated 1603 foolscap size, 28 lines recto, 16 lines verso, above text in same hand: James R. 'Signature' completely different, but it is above the text and may not be intended as a signature at all. Not fully deciphered, the main text appears to be an official document not likely to have been written by the king. This signature has a much larger and fuller lower loop on the J and a correspondingly shorter upward stroke beginning the approach to the J. The (Rex) symbol has much simpler forms than ours but has the isolated dot in the same place. . (This is actually an early type of photocopy)

Cotton Caligula C.IX Item 389 is a one-page, one-side letter which may be entirely in the hand of James, signed James (Rex) and dated June 1586 i.e. when he was King of Scotland only. The signature is a much less formal one than those found elsewhere and may be sign of a change between his youth and maturity or may simply be a style intended for personal letters, the J has much of the feel of the later J but on a smaller scale relative to the following letters, the S at the end of James is very small and somewhat below the line. The (Rex) symbol is also much more skeletal than in later or more formal documents.

(MS Addit) 12095, page 622 in some previous life, item 13 of this collection, letter of 19 lines, dated 1594, seems to be scribal with James only signing, as James, with the J and S like ours and with the A more angular at the bottom than in other documents, the (Rex) symbol has the fully separate swirl above and a dot between the upper and lower extensions. Comparison with item 10 (ex 654), dated September 1563, shows that James Stewart has a much less developed flourish on both parts of the J in his name and has different letter forms in nearly every case.

Hamilton and Buckingham

On one page in Giese’s book adjacent to the King’s signature we find two signatures with mottoes one above the other, Buckingham vray amy tresor inestimable and Hamilton je suis de la partie. The fact that both men sign with just "Buckingham" or "Hamilton" indicates that these are the Duke and Earl of these places who do not need to specify their first names or status. Buckingham and Hamilton were the king's two favourite ministers and were both involved in trying to mediate between the king and the extremist Calvinist party in Scotland. It is quite possible that they might have been present at a royal social gathering.

The relationship of Hamilton and Buckingham is brought out in this excerpt from a manuscript history of Hamilton’s son, who played important role in the later politics of the conflict between the King and Scottish Calvinist hardliners.

MS Sloane 1007 f.1r Memoirs of the Life and Actions of James Duke of Hamilton. of what happened from his fathers death till the yeare 1638. / James Marquis of Hamilton died att London, in March, 1625, and was succeeded in his honour and fortune by his eldest son and heir James afterwards created Duke of Hamilton, whom his father had brought with him to England some years before, and was then in the 18th year of his age, and sent to prosecute his studies att Oxford, from where he was called to see his father die, and came in time to receive his last advice and blessing. Thus died that great and illustrious person in the flower and vigour of his age, being then but 36 years old. // He was in great esteem, in both kingdoms, dear to the soveraign and the subjects; and it was certain no person had disputed with him the King's affection and confidence, the Duke of Buckingham only excepted, his secretary as commissioner for the king in the Parliament (of) 1621, as(?) much lessened his interest in Scotland, for the Five Articles of Perth(?) (Where the assembly of the church that settled them was held) commonly called the Five Articles, were generally so obnoxious, that carrying the settlement of these in Parliament drew much dislike from all that party, which was then called puritan. But his carriage in that parliament gained him as much trust and favour with the king, as our man had: the king created him Earl of Cambridge, a title that was never conferred on any, but such as were of the Royal blood.

This passage identifies Buckingham and Hamilton as rivals for the favour of both King and populace. This means that Giese met both the king and his two principal counsellors and administrators on the same evening, which is unproblematic if he did in fact meet the king. Would he have been introduced to the king through scientific/scholarly contacts, through his Hanseatic links, or through his Calvinist connection?

James Hamilton (1589-1625) was a Scottish nobleman and politician who came to England when his King, James VI of Scotland, also became James I of England. For his services to King James in Scotland and England he was created Earl of Cambridge in 1619, just a year or two before Giese came to England. He died suddenly of a fever in 1625. George Villiers (1592-1628) was a minor English nobleman who became a favourite and political ally of King James, he was made Earl of Buckingham in 1617 and Duke of Buckingham in 1623. The period in which he and Hamilton were seen as rivals ended when Hamilton died suddenly of a fever in 1625.

Other British entries in the Album

There are in total twelve unambiguously British signatures in the book, that of James VI and I, those of Hamilton and Buckingham, the king’s two chief ministers, and nine others, many which can be identified with persons in or around the government at that time. While the first three and Anthony Barker, ‘Doncaster’, and Edward Wray also entered mottoes, the remainder have only given signatures. This suggests that all these signatures were entered on a single occasion, as does the similarity in ink and pen between most of them. It has been possible to compare six signatures found here with the signatures found in official documents in the British Library, the signatures of King James, Buckingham, Hamilton, Southampton, Doncaster, and Montgomery. The latter five were all close collaborators of the king in internal or international politics (as was Dumfries, but signatures of Dumfries have not yet been found). The signatures found in our book are all very similar to the examples discovered from documents of similar dates to Giese’s visit to England.

The British individuals who signed in Giese’s Liber amicorum

Barker, Anthony. Was MP for Reading in 1620.

Carey, Ferdinando. In 1620 a Ferdinand Carey held an infantry command.

Arthme? Aston, of Curnall – The first part of this looks like a mistake for Arthur but using ‘Arthur’ as a related search term has not helped to find any connection with important persons of circa 1620.

Doncaster. Viscount Doncaster was an ambassador for King James in 1618-1622.

Hatton, Thomas. In 1620 a Thomas Hatton was elected or more realistically appointed MP for one of the two seats for Corfe Castle, which were in the gift of a member of his family.

Montgomery. A Lord Steward Montgomery participated in debates of the House of Lords in 1621, 1625 and 1628.

Dumfries. This item looks very much like Pumfries, but while there is no obvious link of a person of this name with King James, there is such a link with a person known to hail from Dumfries, John Murray (-1640), who  accompanied King James from Scotland to England, where he became the first Scotsman elected to the Westminster Parliament, he betrothed his son to Buckingham’s niece and was subsequently made a gentleman of the bedchamber. He was known as the master of Dumfries and probably continued to use this title after moving to England. See The History of Parliament: the House of Commons 1604-1629, this entry (John Murray) by Alan Davidson and Ben Coates, overall ed. Andrew Thrush and John P. Ferris, 2010

Southampton. In 1626 the Lord Treasurer of England was the Earl of Southampton.

Wray, Edward, 1589-1658, was Groom of the Bedchamber in 1618-1622, at this time he was the ‘innermost friend’ of George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham. With Buckingham’s help he wooed the sister and heir of Lord Norreys, Elizabeth Norreys, but when Buckingham’s brother also declared an interest Wray eloped with his wife-to-be. He subsequently became a Member of Parliament in 1625. See The History of Parliament: the House of Commons 1604-1629, this entry by Alan Davidson and Rosemary Sgroi, overall ed. Andrew Thrush and John P. Ferris, 2010. A sample signature has not yet been found.

The signatures in our book and in manuscripts of the British Museum

King James VI and I. There is a wide range of versions of the signature of the King, our signature appears to be consonant with the signatures produced at this time for official purposes.

Buckingham. The signature found here displays the peculiar loop which links the initial G (for George) with the rest of the word Buckingham. The MS Egerton 2592 contains an unusual additional text by Buckingham, at the bottom of a document written by a secretary he adds: eyther forgive me for not writing with myn one hand or else goe hange your selfe.

Hamilton. The unusual technique of connecting the two uprights of the letter H before beginning the crossbar which then links this H to the following letter is found in our example.

Southampton. Several signatures show the interlocked form of the two initials of the personal names of Lord Southampton, J-L.

Doncaster. Our signature shows Doncaster’s habit of writing most of the letters separately with only a few letters connected, and also the extravagant way in which he begins the initial D far to the left of the main body of the letter.

Examples of the writing of the other British signatories have not yet been discovered.
Ten comparable German-or-Dutch-origin Liber Amicorum in the British Library and the Bodleian Library

The following books all have points of comparison with our Liber amicorum, in format, use, or decoration, although some were probably begun as guest-books rather than books to carry on one’s travels.

BL MS Addit 17342 This Album Amicorum is in the same format as ours, a modern hand has numbered only those leaves which have inscriptions, namely 140, which is perhaps half of the leaves which make up the book. The inscriptions usually include a date, the range of which extends from 1619 to 1624, it thus overlaps with the use of our example which was in use from 1618 to 1622. There are only some 15 or 20 leaves on which the Armorials of the signatories are painted in full colours. A big contrast with our example is that the inscriptions are all in Latin, and the dedicatory words by the inscribers nearly all in Latin or German, there are only some ten or so equivalents to the French material which is ubiquitous in Raban Giese's Liber, with the exception of leaf 112v, which has both a painted figure of an upper-class woman and a French motto: Tout avec les temps. On the other hand there are a few isolated uses of Hebrew and Greek, two small inscriptions in Spanish and sixteen lines of a poem in Spanish (39v), and on folio 110 a signatory signs as Jacobus Nodius(?), Dantiscano-Boruss, the first part of which we have elsewhere found to indicate a citizen of Danzig (Borussia is an old spelling of Prussia), and inscribes two short lines in Polish or a local Slavonic dialect of the Danzig area. The majority of the signatories give Altorff or Altdorff as their current location, others give e.g. Cologne (Colonia), Limburg, Lubeck, Nuremberg, or Wittenberg as their place of residence or origin.

BL MS Addit 17486 This book contains inscriptions from the years 1601 to 1616 (not 1602-1613 as stated in an excerpt from an old catalogue). As with the previous entry only the leaves with text are numbered. The leaves are bound and used in portrait rather than landscape mode. Signatories are in or from places such as Dresden, Hamburg, Ingolstadt, Leipzig, Nuremberg, Rostock, Tubingen, Wismar, and Wittenberg, but in several places the entries are dated as being in the place specified, so this is a genuine traveller's book. As in our Liber, at least one signatory with a German name states himself to be Danus, e.g. f.140 Paulus Desiderius Foss, Danus. (another may be what we would today call Danish, i.e. a Danish speaker with a Danish name). Reflecting either the date or the nature of the institution where it was begun, this book contains more Greek and Italian than our book and on a rapid investigation no French.

MS Egerton 1178. The folios. 1-111 and 264-5 of this book are a Liber amicorum, in between an entire book of small religious prints has been bound in, the latter with no text. The Liber contains entries from 1554 to 1559, apparently in chronological order except for one dated 1556 at the beginning and two leaves bound in at the end dated 1557. Compared to our book and the two previously described Liber, this book contains a lot more Hebrew and Greek but otherwise is entirely in Latin, with no trace of German, French, or other Romance languages. It seems that this Liber amicorum was in the nature of a guestbook, all the entries are signed off as in Wittenberg while the names of other cities refer to the origin of the writer, not their current location. This would also explain why the entries are much longer than in our book, sometimes several pages of a particular text is written, which can be explained by the longer period of time available to the signatories and perhaps also the availability of their favourite texts in a library.

The following seven Albums from the Bodleian library are described in a less detailed manner. They include some Album Amicorum for travels, some which are guest books, and some of ambiguous use

MS Rawlinson B21 (c.1592) AA of Jan van der Deck. Two scenes (a warship and a luxurious coach), 15 women including one riding in a pallequin, 1 man pts (and one pasted in), two pages each showing both  man and a woman together, with many crests, perhaps half of these are pasted in complete and in different colours to the ones painted onto the leaves. A scene of two children playing pasted in. Most text is in Latin, also German and French. There is a similar mixture of rounded and angular scripts to our AA. 177 x 125mm, in portrait format.

MS Ashmole 1 A A of Ludolf von dem Werder, dated 1618-27, places include Lugdunum Batavia, Wittenberg, Giessen, with text in Latin, Greek, German, and Italian. Includes the women's names Elizabeth & Louise as making entries and signing. There is a strong contrast between angular secular scripts and rounded scholastic scripts reflecting the contrast of Latin and German, p.104v three lines in good Arabic, accompanied by texts in German by two Turkish visitors, Godts slave scha abas konninck van persien Ter erren van den eren festen Edelman Hobick diss geschreven: godts Slave Moussa beeck ambassador van den konninck van parsiem, An 1626, only about half of the pages are used, with half a dozen full-page pictures inserted on vellum pages, no borders. With a title page, a coat of arms between two figures of justice and a figure with an anchor. 16-Ludolff von dem Werder 18. 95 x 155mm, in landscape format.

MS Douce 28 Dated 1575-90. This Album amicorum contains a majority of pages with substantial selections of poetry. It is designated the Album amicorum of Emanuelis de Meteren Mercatoris Antuerpiani...1575. Perhaps every second gathering has a vellum outer leaf. Substantial texts suggest that this book functioned primarily as a guest book rather than a book to travel with. But pp 56-71 contain many entries dated London 1596, then Lugdunum Bataviae ff.73-75, Haag 77-78, London again 79-80a-80 (with good examples of Hebrew and Arabic script), then Lugdunum Bataviae, so the book was later used for travels as well. With very few coloured pictures or arms, but with many good quality prints of famous men. 182 x 130mm, in portrait format.

MS Douce 32 Dated 1583-1604. Vellum throughout, not many leaves, the only places dated are Bonn (several times) Constantinople (several times) and a note by an inhabitant of Venice (Venetys). On f.6r a painted picture of a giraffe said to be brought from Africa to Constantinople by Sultan Murad. Contains two important entries: 1. Italius Fredericus Comes / ab hohen Zollern /Bonnae 20 September 1599, and 2. Joannes Christopherus Comes ab Hohen Zollern Bonnae 20 septeb. Perhaps an Album Amicorum for a specific journey to Constantinople. 130 x 85mm, in portrait format.

MS Douce 221 Catalogued as 1598 but containing many items dated 1597 at the back, landscape format, containing simple signatures dating a visit through to extensive extracts of poetry and some sketches of coats of arms. Some pages written sideways to accommodate poetic structures, some full page illustrations in ink wash. At p.50 an inscription in gold ink. Some items written by men dedicated to the lady of the house. Perhaps to be seen as a guestbook. Landscape format. Gold leaf impressed pattern on binding with name of the owner Theodora van Wassenaer en Duuvenvoerden. 150 x 195mm, in landscape format.

MS Autograph g.3, Album Amicorum of G.F. Speidl. Paper. 1631 and following years all in French some coats of arms also ladies, monkeys, birds. Most items dated Bourges, Strassbourg, Londre, nearly all in French but one in Italian. 55 x 70mm, in landscape format.

1603. Douce 244, Album Amicorum of ********************, this volume appears to be most similar to our book in the selection and distribution of pictures, these are more closely distributed at the back, like ours, indicating that they were intended to provide a backdrop to the initial written entries which would also be begun from the back. With entries in Greek (f.41a), Spanish (f.42), French (f.36a), Italian (f.12r), but mostly in Latin. Some entries dated London or Oxford 1603. Subjects (1) arms, (2a) a monument, (3-30 blank), (31) a priest, (32) a man in red with a document, (33) a priest riding a horse, (34) a nobleman standing, (35) a man carrying oil, (37) a milkmaid and a fish-seller, (38) a lady with a mandolin, (39) a lady with train, (40r) a nobleman, (40b) a lady, (4) horseman with pannier, (42-48) ladies, (50), two men and two ‘land-sailors’ in a wagon moved by a sail, (51) a lady in black and red, (59) a courting couple in a boat with two oarsmen.

Conclusion from the comparison of the Giese Liber amicorum and ten others

Investigation of these other Liber Amicorum suggests that our example is highly unusual, it was conceived from the beginning as a book to accompany the owner on travels, it was begun and continued as a book for friends most of whom could be assumed to be German-French-Latin trilingual, and it was designed from the beginning to contain topical illustrations which would amuse the persons to whom it was shown. Its illustrations were captioned in French except for one which consists of a pun which is only funny in German, suggesting that a Swiss and educated German or French reader would switch between languages easily (and that the entire series of illustrations may derive from a German original). It illustrates the openness to the vernaculars among scholars which was completely lacking in the book from 1554-9. It also contains popular commercial art of the day in addition to the coats of arms common in a Liber Amicorum. (of course the painted arms in a Liber amicorum are usually painted later based on sketches made by the signatories with some code to indicate the colours). The most interesting aspect of the book is the connection with a variety of persons connected with the cities of the Hanseatic League and the almost universal German-French-Latin trilingualism of this group.